Tuesday, November 6, 2012

Presidential Performance Rating or Evaluation

black-tie powers derive from the Constitution, and implicit in(p) powers derive from the office and the job itself. rase if we assume that presidents on the whole have the same formal and constitutional powers, various presidents go out use these powers in different ways. The primary quality of an rough-and-ready president is to use his powers effectively at the time this execute is required by circumstances. A president is effective when he gets things done, but this is not the same as being a great president--that requires that the agenda also be perceived as valuable over time.

An important question is what sort of leading a president should provide, and the ideal cited by analysts like George C. Edwards now is that of presidents as facilitators who can get others to go in the bursting charge they want to go anyway rather than as leaders who lead where people otherwise would not go:

A facilitator operating at the margins sounds very much like Neustadt's model of the president as bargainer, a prospect that observers concerned with insurance effectiveness, like Sundquist, are likely to view with dis may. Short of an electoral solution, there appears to be little likelihood of overcoming the institutional contest that has characterized end-of-the century governance (Thomas, Pika, and Watson 446).

However, it should be evident that the president who uses the legislative body and persuading the legislature as a way of getting an agenda passed needs to develop a style that allows him to brin


g opposing sides together and to achieve compromise. on that point is already a competition between the president and Congress, and lots this is true even when the two are of the same party. Presidents may or may not be successful in pushing their agenda through Congress, and reasons have been sought for this fact:

The burden of this book is that the crucial differences can be evaluate by an understanding of a potential President's character, his world view, and his style (Barber 3).
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Studies have identified at least six factors that bear on the president's ability top achieve his legislative goals: his partisans and ideological nurture in congress, his popular support, his style in dealing with Congress, the contexts in which the president must operate, cyclical trends in presidential-congressional relations, and the content of his programs (Thomas, Pika, and Watson 216).

Powers of the Presidency. Washington, D.C.: congressional Quarterly, 1989.

They may be well adapted to certain apolitical roles, but they lack the experience and flexibility to perform effectively as political leaders. . . they become guardians of the right and proper way, above the sordid politicking of lesser men (Barber 10).

An analysis by congressional Quarterly of the office of the Presidency shows one reason why this could be nearly impossible to do--there are many different tasks in which a President is involved, and they require different skills. near of the powers of the president are formal and some are inherent. Formal powers derive from the Constitution, and inherent powers derive from the office and the job itself:

Even though all presidents have the same formal and inherent powers, different chief executives use these powers in different ways depending on their skills, their personalities, the people who serve them, and, often, circumstances that are beyond their control (Powers of the Presidency 1).

Thomas, Norman C., Joseph A. Pika, and Richard A. W
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